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URBAN REIMAGINATION: PUBLIC TRUSTS, LANDED ASSETS, AND THE FUTURE OF INDIA'S CITIES

Authors

  • Dr. Radhika S. Menon Associate Professor of Urban Policy and Land Governance, Centre for Urban Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai, India Author
  • Dr. Arjun P. Verma Senior Research Fellow in Infrastructure and Legal Geography, National Institute of Urban Affairs (NIUA), New Delhi, India Author

Keywords:

India, Improvement Trust, Real Estate, Financialization

Abstract

This extensive article meticulously examines the historical trajectory of public improvement trusts in shaping India's urban landscape during the late colonial period. It delves into their intricate relationship with real estate and the emergence of modern urban planning paradigms. Focusing on a comparative analysis of the Calcutta Improvement Trust (CIT) and the Bombay City Improvement Trust (BCIT), this paper illustrates how these institutions, originally conceived as instruments for civic betterment, concurrently fostered a dynamic, often speculative, real estate market. This process, driven by technocratic expertise and distinct financial mechanisms, laid foundational principles for contemporary urban development in India. The article posits that the "improvement regime" was a crucial, yet under-explored, antecedent to India's ongoing urban transformations, characterized by an enduring tension between the pursuit of public welfare and the inherent logic of land valorization. By tracing the evolution of these trusts from their inception in response to public health crises to their role as key players in urban financialization, this research offers a nuanced understanding of the historical contingencies that continue to influence urban governance, land economics, and the socio-spatial inequalities prevalent in present-day Indian cities. It argues that what is often perceived as "neoliberal urbanism" today is, in many respects, a discontinuous unraveling of processes initiated over a century ago within this improvement regime.

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52. Ibid.

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59. Ibid.

60. Richards, Condition, xv, his emphasis.

61. Ibid.

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63. Orr, Bombay City Improvement, 28.

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66. Stephen Legg has deployed the Foucauldian lens throughout his works to critically study the making of colonial Delhi. See especially his “Governmentality, Congestion, and Calculation in Colonial Delhi,” Social and Cultural Geography 7, 5 (2006): 709–29; Also see Chhabria, Making the Modern Slum; and “The Aboriginal Alibi: Governing Dispossession in Colonial Bombay,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, 4 (2018): 1096–126.

67. Letter from the Bengal Chamber of Commerce to the Government of Bengal, 16 Dec. 1910.

68. Proceedings of the Calcutta Improvement Trust, 1912–13.

69. See Mitchell, Rule of Experts, 80–119.

70. Tejani, Shabnum, “Disputing ‘Market Value’: The Bombay Improvement Trust and the Reshaping of a Speculative Land Market in Early Twentieth-Century Bombay,” Urban History 48, 3 (2021): 572–89, 574.

71. Bompas, “Work of the Calcutta Improvement Trust,” 219.

72. Orr, Bombay City Improvement, 22.

73. Bompas, “Work of the Calcutta Improvement Trust,” 205.

74. Proceedings of Calcutta Improvement Trust, 1913–14.

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76. Ibid., 117.

77. Chhabria, Making the Modern Slum, 10.

78. Ibid., my emphasis.

79. Yates, Alexia, Real Estate and Global Urban History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 2.

80. I borrow this phrase from Alexia Yates’ observation about property’s capacity “to exist as a material, productive entity at the same time as it can support circulating signs representing its value”; “The Double Life of Property: Mobilizing Land and Making Capitalism in Modern France,” Critical Historical Studies 6, 2 (2019): 247–78, 254.

81. Yates, Real Estate, 4.

82. Maitland, “Corporation Sole,” 78.

83. Ibid., 4–5.

84. Richards, Condition, 430.

85. Rao, House, 24.

86. Vevaina, Trust Matters, 5.

87. Orr, Bombay City Improvement, 22. A lakh is a hundred thousand.

88. Ascher, Ivan, Portfolio Society: On the Capitalist Mode of Prediction (New York: Zone Books, 2016), 14, his emphasis.

89. Yates, “Double Life of Property.”

90. Ascher’s reading of financialization is rooted in the Marxian tradition of critique. He attempts to creatively read Karl Marx’s Capital, Volume 1 to analyze two recent developments “that Marx could not have anticipated”: the rise in financial markets since the financial crisis of 2008 and the concurrent rise in “portfolio society.” Ascher moves away from modes of production to understand how modes of prediction define social relations in the twenty-first century; Portfolio Society, 10.

91. Yates, “Double Life of Property”, 250.

92. See “Special Issue: Unleashing Speculative Urbanism,” Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 55, 2 (2023). For a bibliographic survey of the field, see Ashima Sood, “Speculative Urbanism,” in Anthony M. Orum, ed., Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Urban and Regional Studies (London: Blackwell, 2019).

93. Tejani, Shabnum, “Disputing ‘Market Value’: The Bombay Improvement Trust and the Reshaping of a Speculative Land Market in Early Twentieth-Century Bombay,” Urban History 48, 3 (2021): 572–89, 574.

94. I borrow this phrase from Laura Bear, for whom capitalism is motivated by technologies of imagination that fuel speculation. She writes, “The imaginative style of capitalism is future-oriented speculation or the attempt to divine and manipulate the visible and invisible aspect of human and non-human productivity.” In “Capitalist Divination: Popularist Speculators and Technologies of Imagination on the Hooghly River,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East 35, 3 (2015): 408–23, 409.

95. Both David Ricardo and Adam Smith emphasize the monopolistic nature of private landholding, which by default made rent from such property its “natural” monopoly price.

96. Richards, Condition, 416.

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98. Orr, Bombay City Improvement, 13.

99. Richards, Condition, 361.

100. Letter from Sub-committee, Calcutta Improvement Scheme to President and Committee of the Chamber, 23 Nov. 1910, 457.

101. Orr, Bombay City Improvement, 25.

102. Over the last decade, urban theorists and practitioners working on and from the Global South have advanced a robust critique of “applying” theory from the Global North onto spaces in the South. These works have highlighted the importance of “place” as the site for theory-building, rather than as a field for empirical data collection. See Bhan, Gautam, “Notes on a Southern Urban Practice,” Environment and Urbanization 31, 2 (2019): 639–54; Roy, Ananya, “What Is Urban about Critical Urban Theory?” Urban Geography 37, 6 (2016): 810–23; Sheppard, Eric, Leitner, Helga, and Maringanti, Anant, “Provincializing Global Urbanism: A Manifesto,” Urban Geography 34, 7 (2013): 893–900.

103. Quote from Mr. S. N. Mullik, quoted in Bompas, “Work of the Calcutta Improvement Trust,” 216.

104. Ibid., 219.

105. Ibid., 217.

106. Metcalf, Thomas R., Ideologies of the Raj (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 29.

107. The list is even longer: Lahore instituted the Lahore Development Authority in 1975, replacing the Lahore Improvement Trust; Singapore Improvement Trust became the Housing Development Board in 1960.

108. Stephen Legg has traced the shift in governmental rationality from the Delhi Improvement Trust to the Delhi Development Authority through the (dis)continuities in colonial governmental rationality in a postcolonial context; “Postcolonial Developmentalities: From the Delhi Improvement Trust to the Delhi Development Authority,” in Sarswati Raju, M. Satish Kumar, and Stuart Corbret et al., eds., Colonial and Postcolonial Geographies of India (London: Sage, 2006), 182–204. A comparative analysis of the conceptual shift from improvement to development across Indian cities is yet to be undertaken.

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Published

2024-12-29